Hatch's donors of ill repute

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For almost 30 years, Orrin G. Hatch has been an influential representative of Mormon-dominated Utah. Yet he has accepted campaign contributions from wealthy sinners in the alcohol, tobacco and gambling industries -- a fact that may surprise some residents.

These have not been token contributions. We're talking serious money, enough to put Hatch among the top recipients from these industries. In 2000, Hatch received $20,500 from the tobacco industry, putting him in eighth place in the U.S. Senate that year. This year, he received $17,000, putting him in fifth place (but, of course, the year is young).

Representatives of the beer, wine and liquor industries gave Hatch $34,600 in 2000 and $26,000 this year, putting him in 10th and fifth places respectively.

The gambling industry contributed $19,182 in 2000, putting Hatch in sixth place in the Senate for gaming dollars.

It's easy to understand why these industries, or any others, would want to shovel out the cash. Three decades on Capitol Hill give Hatch seniority, which in the Senate means power. He is the former chairman of the Judiciary Committee and is poised to become either the Senate Finance Chairman or the finance committee's ranking member, depending on his party's fortunes this year.

Like all major campaign contributors, businesses tend to cozy up to the power players. So it may be tough to prove any slackening of the senator's moral muscles, especially since he votes conservative most of the time.

And yet one may wonder if Hatch's oft-touted LDS roots are as firmly planted as the majority of his constituents might like.

We don't think it matters. After all, you can measure a voting record, in contrast to one's faith. Religion need not become an issue for public servants because what really matters is how one casts his votes while in office. And sometimes personal beliefs must be set aside in the spirit of compromise, or as a matter of law.

Hatch told the Daily Herald editorial board recently that he has no qualms. The tobacco, alcohol and gambling industries are not trying to influence him, he said. They are merely showing support for his brand of politics.

Hatch told us how, when he first ran for office, he received a contribution from Joseph Coors, head of the beer company that bears his name. He said he was reluctant at first to accept, fearing it would cost him the election. He also warned Coors that he could not vote to support the alcohol industry. But Coors reassured Hatch (we would like to have been a fly on the wall to observe his facial expression) that he was not donating money in hopes Hatch would help his industry but simply because he wanted to support a good conservative.

In the end, the beer money didn't hurt Hatch in his race against then-Sen. Frank Moss. It may actually have helped win him some blue-collar votes. Hatch said when he toured Geneva Steel shortly after the Coors donation came out in the newspaper that he was cheered by steelworkers.

It's easy to assume that in Utah, all people think alike, and that elected representatives should bow to the stereotype. And so criticism arises from some quarters because Hatch is supposedly not representing "us."

But who is "us"fi The answer is not simple. Cedar Hills, for example, might be viewed as the archetypical, mostly-Mormon, Utah community. Yet in the face of a move to ban alcohol sales and Sunday business, residents stood up and voted against extremism.

Still, the question of influence remains with Hatch. Imagining that donors give money without expecting something in return is a pretty big, dry pill to swallow.

Speaking of pills, Hatch leads Congress in accepting money from the nutritional supplement industry, which he has assisted through legislation. In 1998, Hatch was one of the Senate Republicans opposed to increasing the federal cigarette tax to $1.50. He claimed in floor debates that the measure would hurt low-income families and drive the tobacco industry away from cooperating with anti-smoking efforts, even though taxes drive prices up and consumption down.

He has also called for caps on money paid to lawyers suing the tobacco industry. But then, many people agree that there should be caps on lawyers and legal settlements, regardless what industry we're talking about.

Hatch defends himself by observing that tobacco companies donating to his campaigns do more than just make cigarettes. Philip Morris also has subsidiaries that manufacture food products. So it's not about tobacco, as such, he says.

He stretches to conclude that contributions from nasty companies actually promote Utah's majority values. The state's moral halo gets a shine even though the rag stinks. Put another way, it's like serving God by making a deal with the devil.

The bottom line is that none of this bothers the Utah Republican too much. At the end of this year, Hatch will tie Sen. Reed Smoot's record as the longest-serving senator from Utah. And while his critics have blasted him for working too closely with Massachusetts Democrat Ted Kennedy on legislation (Hatch is fond of calling Kennedy friend), he is also seen as a staunch advocate for Utah in the national arena, including sponsorship of legislation targeting teen smoking.

In the end, the voters will have to say whether Hatch's messy campaign chest is disqualifying. We don't think it matters much as a practical matter. Having a few friends in low places may even aid his effectiveness as a negotiator. After all, compromise has been the lifeblood of the nation from the beginning.

Is a little bad medicine worth the power payoff in Washingtonfi

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What do you thinkfi

Should Sen. Hatch reject campaign contributions from liquor, tobacco and gambling interestsfi Send your comments to dhpolls@heraldextra.com or call 344-2942. Please leave your name, hometown and phone number with your comments. E-mail comments should not exceed 100 words; voice-mail comments should be no longer than 30 seconds. Anonymous and unverifiable responses will not be published.

The Daily Herald will publish comments on April 30.

This story appeared in The Daily Herald on page A6.

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